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Название:
Political Ponerology: A Science on the Nature of Evil Adjusted for Political Purposes
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Andrew Lobaczewski - Political Ponerology: A Science on the Nature of Evil Adjusted for Political Purposes

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Should conditions such as a nation’s numerical plentitude, wide

extension, or geographic isolation permit independence from

the primary pathocratic nation, more measured factors and the

society of normal people will thus find some way of influenc-

ing the governmental system, taking advantage of the opportu-

nities afforded by the dissimulative phase. In the presence of

advantageous conditions and skillful outside assistance, this

could lead to progressive depathologization of the system.

General Considerations

The path to comprehending the true contents of the phe-

nomenon and its internal causality can only be opened by over-

coming natural reflexes and emotions, and the tendency toward

moralizing interpretations, followed by assembling data elabo-

rated in difficult everyday clinical work and subsequent gener-

alizations in the form of theoretical ponerology. Such compre-

hension naturally also encompasses those who would create

such an inhuman system.

222

PATHOCRACY

The problem of biological determination of the behavior of

deviants is thus sketched in all its expressiveness, showing

primarily how their capacity for moral judgments and their

field of behavior selection is narrowed well below the levels

available to a normal person. The attitude of understanding

even one’s enemies is the most difficult for us humans. Moral

condemnation proves to be an obstacle along the path toward

curing the world of this disease.

A result of the character of the phenomenon described in

this chapter is that no attempt to understand its nature or to

track its internal causative links and diachronic transformations

would be possible if all we had at our disposal were the natural

language of psychological, social, and moral concepts even in

that partially perfected form used by the social sciences. It

would also be impossible to predict subsequent phases in the

development of this phenomenon or to distinguish its weak

times and weak spots for purposes of counteraction.

Elaboration of an appropriate and sufficiently comprehen-

sive conceptual language was thus indicated as essential; it

required more time and effort than studying the phenomenon

itself. It has therefore become necessary to bore readers some-

what by introducing this conceptual language in a manner both

parsimonious and adequate, which would at the same time be

comprehensible to those readers not trained in the area of psy-

chopathology.

Anyone who wants to repair television sets instead of mak-

ing them worse must first familiarize himself with electronics,

which is also beyond the ambit of our natural conceptual lan-

guage. However, upon learning to understand this macrosocial

phenomenon in the corresponding reference system, a scientist

stands in wonder as though before the open tomb of Tutank-

hamen for a while before he is able to understand the living

laws of the phenomenon with ever greater speed and skill,

thereupon complementing this comprehension with a huge

array of detailed data.

The first conclusion which suggested itself soon after meet-

ing with the “professor” introduced at the beginning of this

volume, was that the phenomenon’s development is limited by

nature in terms of the participation of susceptible individuals

POLITICAL PONEROLOGY

223

within a given society. The initial evaluation of approximately

6% amenable individuals proved realistic; progressively col-

lected detailed statistical data assembled later were unable to

refute it. This value varies from country to country in the mag-

nitude of about one percentage point upward or downward.

Quantitatively speaking, this number is broken down into 0.6%

essential psychopaths, i.e. about 1/10 of this 6 %. However,

this anomaly plays a disproportionate role compared to the

numbers by saturating the phenomenon as a whole with its own

quality of thought and experience.

Other psychopathies, known as asthenic, schizoidal,

anankastic, hysterical, et al., definitely play second fiddle al-

though, in sum, they are much more numerous. Relatively

primitive skirtoidal individuals become fellow-travelers,

goaded by their lust for life, but their activities are limited by

considerations of their own advantage. In non-semitic nations,

schizoidia are somewhat more numerous than essential psy-

chopaths; although highly active in the early phases of the

genesis of the phenomenon, they betray an attraction to pathoc-

racy as well as the rational distance of efficient thinking; Thus

they are torn between such a system and the society of normal

people.

Persons less distinctly inclined in the pathocratic direction

include those affected by some states caused by the toxic ac-

tivities of certain substances such as ether, carbon monoxide,104

and possibly some endotoxins, under the condition that this

occurred in childhood.105

104 Considering the fact that the last attempt to impose a Pathocracy on the

global scale, Naziism, campaigned vigorously against smoking, and the

current U.S. pathocracy is also behind the global attempt to “stamp out smok-

ing” as a “health hazard”, all the while generously distributing depleted

uranium, a far more dangerous substance, into the environment, as well as

refusing to join any environmental preservation activities, one has to wonder

if there is not some connection here? If carbon monoxide, one of the primary

substances inhaled when smoking, actually produces a state or condition that

is a defense against the mental predations of pathocrats, no wonder they wish

to eliminate it. That also suggests that all of the so-called “data” supporting

the anti-smoking campaign is possibly “cooked”. [Editor’s note.]

105 i.e., So-called “second hand smoke”. This actually suggests that second-

hand smoke can have highly beneficial effects on children specifically in

terms of immunizing them against psychopathic take-over! [Editor’s note.]

224

PATHOCRACY

Among individuals carrying other indications of brain-tissue

damage, only two described types have a somewhat measured

inclination, namely frontal and paranoidal characteropaths. In

the case of frontal characteropathy, this is principally the result

of an incapacity for self-critical reflection and an incapacity for

the abandonment of a dead-end street into which one has

thoughtlessly stumbled. Paranoidal individuals expect uncriti-

cal support within such a system. In general however, the carri-

ers of various kinds of brain-tissue damage lean clearly toward

the society of normal people, and as a result of their psycho-

logical problems, ultimately suffer even more than healthy

people under pathocracy.

It also turned out that the carriers of some physiological

anomalies known to physicians and sometimes to psycholo-

gists, and which are primarily hereditary in nature, manifest

split tendencies similar to schizoids. In a similar manner, peo-

ple whom nature has unfortunately saddled with a short life and

an early cancer-related death frequently indicate a characteris-

tic and irrational attraction for this phenomenon. These latter

observations were decisive in my agreeing to call the phe-

nomenon by this name, which had originally struck me as se-

mantically overly loose. An individual’s decreased resistance

to the effects of pathocracy and his attraction to this phenome-

non appear to be a holistic response of person’s organism, not

merely of his psychological makeup alone.

Approximately 6% of the population constitutes the active

structure of the new rulership, which carries its own peculiar

consciousness of its own goals. Twice as many people consti-

tute a second group: those who have managed to warp their

personalities to meet the demands of the new reality. This leads

to attitudes which can already be interpreted within the catego-

ries of the natural psychological world view, i.e. the errors we

are committing are much smaller. It is of course not possible to

draw an exact boundary between these groups; the separation

adduced here is merely descriptive in nature.

This second group consists of individuals who are, on the

average, weaker, more sickly, and less vital. The frequency of

known mental diseases in this group is at twice the rate of the

national average. We can thus assume that the genesis of their

POLITICAL PONEROLOGY

225

submissive attitude toward the regime, their greater susceptibil-

ity to pathological effects, and their skittish opportunism in-

cludes various relatively impalpable anomalies. We observe

not only physiological anomalies, but also the kinds described

above at the lowest intensity, with the exception of essential

psychopathy.

The 6% group constitute the new nobility; the 12% group

gradually forms the new bourgeoisie, whose economic situa-

tion is the most advantageous. Adapting to the new conditions,

not without conflicts of conscience, transforms this latter group

into both dodgers and, simultaneously, intermediaries between

the oppositional society and the active ponerological group,

whom they can talk to in the appropriate language. They play

such a crucial role within this system that both sides must take

them into account. Since their technical capacities and skills

are better than those of the active pathocratic group, they as-

sume various managerial positions. Normal people see them as

persons they can approach, generally without being subjected

to pathological arrogance.

So it is that only 18% of the country’s population is in favor

of the new system of government; but concerning the layer we

have called the bourgeoisie, we may even be doubtful of the

sincerity of their attitudes. This is the situation in the author’s

homeland. This proportion can be variously estimated in other

countries, from 15% in Hungary to 21% in Bulgaria, but it is

never more than a relatively small minority.

The great majority of the population forms the society of

normal people, gradually creating an informal communications

network. It behooves us to wonder why these people reject the

advantages conformity affords, consciously preferring the op-

posing role: poverty, harassment, and curtailment of human

freedoms. What ideals motivate them? Is this merely a kind of

romanticism representing ties to tradition and religion? Still, so

many people with a religious upbringing change their world

view to that of the Pathocrats very quickly. The next chapter is

dedicated to this question.

For the moment, let us limit ourselves to stating that a per-

son with a normal human instinctive substratum, good basic

intelligence, and full faculties of critical thought would have a

226

PATHOCRACY

difficult time accepting such a compromise; it would devastate

his personality and engender neurosis. At the same time, such a

system easily distinguishes and separates him from its own

kind regardless of his sporadic hesitations. No method of

propaganda can change the nature of this macrosocial phe-

nomenon or the nature of a normal human being. They remain

foreign to each other.

The above-described subdivision into three sections should

not be identified with membership in any party, which is offi-

cially ideological but in fact pathocratic. Such a system con-

tains many normal people forced to join such a party by various

circumstances, and who must pretend as best they can to repre-

sent said party’s more reasonable adherents. After a year or two

of obtusely executed instructions, they start becoming inde-

pendent and reestablishing their severed ties to society. Their

former friends begin to get the gist of their double game. This

is the situation of large numbers of the adherents of the former

ideology, which is now fulfilling its changed function. They are

also the first to protest that this system does not truly represent

their old political beliefs. We must also remember that spe-

cially trusted people, whose loyalty to the pathocracy is a fore-

gone conclusion due to their psychological nature and the

functions they perform, have no need to belong to the party;

they stand above it.

After a typical pathocratic structure has been formed, the

population is effectively divided – polarized - according to

completely different lines from what someone raised outside

the purview of this phenomenon might imagine, and in a man-

ner whose actual conditions are also impossible to comprehend

for someone lacking essential specialized training. However, an

intuitive sense for these causes gradually forms among the

majority of society in a country affected by the phenomenon. A

person raised in a normal man’s system is accustomed since

childhood to seeing economic and ideological problems in the

foreground, possibly also the results of social injustice. Such

concepts have proved illusory and ineffective in a most tragic

manner: the macrosocial phenomenon has its own properties

and laws which can only be studied and comprehended within

the appropriate categories.

POLITICAL PONEROLOGY

227

However, in leaving behind our old natural method of com-

prehension and learning to track the internal causality of the

phenomenon, we marvel at the surprising exactness with which


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